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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to present the knowledge work (KW) quantification framework – a mathematical model to quantify KW. The framework calculates a knowledge work score (KWS) that positions each worker in the KW continuum.Design/methodology/approachThe framework states that KW is a continuum and that eight KW dimensions can be used to differentiate between manual and KW. A methodology was developed that follows a series of steps to calculate the KWS. Operational definitions are presented and explained.FindingsBy assigning a knowledge work intensity score to the tasks a worker does, the knowledge work quantification framework (KWQF) calculates the intensity score for the job hence an intensity score for the worker. KWSs are calculated for two example jobs to illustrate the KWQF and the allocation of the jobs in the KW continuum.Research limitations/implicationsSince there have been no previous studies like this, it is difficult to compare results. A larger sample of workers for different work types would provide more data points in the KW continuum. Other limitations are discussed in the paper.Practical implicationsThe knowledge worker (KWr) has become the predominant type of worker in today's economy. With most of manual work being researched and optimized, it is in scientifically improving our understanding of the KWr where the opportunities for improving productivity lie.Originality/valueIn the past, the field has lacked a scientific approach and has been studies more in terms of opinions and theories rather than an empirical research frame of mind. This paper is the first attempt to create a methodology that quantifies KW.

This is he first edited book on gender issues in transnational business cooperation concerning knowledge work. This area has so far been researched mainly by organizational theorists, with their background in business studies, finance, communication or sociology, and gender has seldom been taken into account in these studies. This book shows how fruitful a gendered take on issues within this area is, both for a deepened understanding of these organizational issues and for a widened understanding of gender issues. The chapters in the book cover a range of themes from a gender perspective; culture, communication, identity work, structures, organizational change, globalization, mobility, resistance, leadership and management, international business, work life balance, education and labour market, policies and value systems. The chapters also demonstrate the multidisciplinarity within gender research itself and how different perspectives on gender can be combined and developed. They on the social constructionist approach of "doing gender", feminist organization theory, gendered discourse analysis, techno-feminism, and critical studies on men and masculinities. The book provides insights relevant for some of the relevant debates in business, economics, geography, sociology, and gender and women's studies. While primarily a research volume, the book is also useful for people who develop and manage transnational business relations.

This article draws attention to reported experiences of boredom in knowledge work. Drawing on extensive qualitative data gathered at two management consultancy firms, we analyze these experiences as a particular interaction with identity regulation and work experiences. We conceptualize the reports of the bored self as a combination of unfilled aspirations and the sense of stagnation, leading to an arrested identity. Our contribution is to expand extant conceptualizations of employee interactions with identity regulation, in particular relating to identity work and identification. The findings provide a critical rendering of the glamourized image of knowledge work.

International audience ; Research has shown that the knowledge worker, the decisive driver of the knowledge economy, works increasingly longer hours. In fact, it would appear that instead of working to live, they live to work. There appears to be three reasons for this living-to-work development. First, the knowledge worker 'has to' on account of the pressure to become ever more efficient. Such pressure translates into internalized coercion in the case of the self-responsible knowledge worker. Secondly, working is constant, because the Internet and smart technologies and mobile devices have made it 'possible'. It gives the worker the capacity and management omnipotent control. In the final instance, the neoliberal knowledge worker works all the time because s/he paradoxically 'wants to'. It is a curious phenomenon, because this compulsive working is concomitant with a rise of a host of physical, emotional, and psychological disorders as well as the erosion of social bonds. The paradox is exacerbated by the fact that the knowledge worker does not derive any of the usual utilities or satisfactions associated with hard work. Elsewhere I have ascribed this apparent contradiction at the heart of the living-to-work phenomenon to the invisible thumotic satisfaction generated by knowledge work. In the present article, I argue that neoliberal governmentality has found a way to tether thumos directly to the profit incentive. I draw on Foucault's 1978-1979 Collége de France lecture course in which he analysed neoliberal governmentality with specific emphasis on the work of the neoliberal theorist of human capital, Gary Becker.

Purpose
Knowledge work productivity is a well-studied topic in the existing literature, but it has focussed mainly on two things. First, there are many theoretical models lacking empirical research, and second, there is a very specific research regarding how something impacts productivity. The purpose of this paper is to collect empirical data and test the conceptual model of knowledge work productivity in practice. The paper also provides information on how different drivers of knowledge work productivity have an impact on productivity.


Design/methodology/approach
Through the survey method, data were collected from 998 knowledge workers from Finland. Then, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to confirm the knowledge work productivity dimensions of the conceptual model. Later, regression analysis was used to analyse the impacts of knowledge factors on productivity.


Findings
This paper increases the understanding of what matters for knowledge work productivity, with statistical analysis. The conceptual model of knowledge work productivity consists of two major elements: the knowledge worker and the work environment. The study results showed that the knowledge worker has the biggest impact on productivity through his or her well-being and work practices. The social environment was also found to be a significant driver. The results could not confirm or refute the role of the physical or virtual environment in knowledge work productivity.


Practical implications
The practical value of the study lies in the analysis results. The information generated about the factors impacting productivity can be used to improve knowledge work productivity. In addition, the limited resources available for organisational development will have the greatest return if they are used to increase intangible assets, i.e., management and work practices.


Originality/value
While it is well known that many factors are essential for knowledge work productivity, relatively few studies have examined it from as many dimensions at the same time as this study. This study adds value to the literature by providing information on which factors have the greatest influence on productivity.

Research has shown that the knowledge worker, the decisive driver of the knowledge economy, works increasingly longer hours. In fact, it would appear that instead of working to live, they live to work. There appears to be three reasons for this living-to-work development. First, the knowledge worker 'has to' on account of the pressure to become ever more efficient. Such pressure translates into internalized coercion in the case of the self-responsible knowledge worker. Secondly, working is constant, because the Internet and smart technologies and mobile devices have made it 'possible'. It gives the worker the capacity and management omnipotent control. In the final instance, the neoliberal knowledge worker works all the time because s/he paradoxically 'wants to'. It is a curious phenomenon, because this compulsive working is concomitant with a rise of a host of physical, emotional, and psychological disorders as well as the erosion of social bonds. The paradox is exacerbated by the fact that the knowledge worker does not derive any of the usual utilities or satisfactions associated with hard work. Elsewhere I have ascribed this apparent contradiction at the heart of the living-to-work phenomenon to the invisible thumotic satisfaction generated by knowledge work. In the present article, I argue that neoliberal governmentality has found a way to tether thumos directly to the profit incentive. I draw on Foucault's 1978-1979 Collége de France lecture course in which he analysed neoliberal governmentality with specific emphasis on the work of the neoliberal theorist of human capital, Gary Becker.

This article takes a sceptical view of the functionalist understanding of the nature and significance of 'knowledge' in so-called knowledge- intensive companies. The article emphasizes the slipperiness of the concept of knowledge, the ambiguity of knowledge, its role in what is constructed as knowledge work and the evaluation of work outcomes. Given this ambiguity, the management of rhetoric, image and social processes appears crucial in organizations of this kind. Difficulties in demonstrating competence and performance - as well as the significance of producing the right impression - make work identity difficult to secure. However, this is a key element in doing knowledge work. Successful rhetoric, image production and orchestration of social interactions call for the regulation of employee identities.